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January 21, 2009

Debating sweatshops

Nicholas Kristof, a columnist for the New York Times, recently wrote an article in support of sweatshops, citing what he sees as the relevant counterfactual:

...the vast garbage dump here in Phnom Penh. This is a Dante-like vision of hell. It’s a mountain of festering refuse, a half-hour hike across, emitting clouds of smoke from subterranean fires. The miasma of toxic stink leaves you gasping, breezes batter you with filth, and even the rats look forlorn. Then the smoke parts and you come across a child ambling barefoot, searching for old plastic cups that recyclers will buy for five cents a pound. Many families actually live in shacks on this smoking garbage...

Talk to these families in the dump, and a job in a sweatshop is a cherished dream, an escalator out of poverty, the kind of gauzy if probably unrealistic ambition that parents everywhere often have for their children.

Kristof goes on to argue that we should be skeptical of labor standards in international trade agreements, as these can serve indirectly as barriers to trade, thus reducing demand for the products from factories in the developing world. But is he setting up a false choice between scavenging and sweatshops and between free trade and labor standards?

Perhaps labor standards sometimes serve as a competitive advantage in a globalized world of trade. As you might expect, Kristof's article garnered lots of letters to the editor, and I particularly liked the following from a professor at Rutgers Business School:

In fact, raising labor standards can give a competitive advantage to countries in the global market.

In the Cambodia example Mr. Kristof negatively cites, the Cambodian government, manufacturers and unions have actually urged that the program continue because they believe that it attracts foreign investment and helps create stable industrial relations.

The World Bank’s International Finance Corporation — hardly a bastion of radical labor activists or economic protectionists — is encouraging similar programs elsewhere because it believes that good labor standards and workers’ rights protections are good for business and good for overall development.

A final point: When I speak with workers around the world in garment and other export industries, they don’t tell me “Yankee, go home, we are just grateful to have work,” as Mr. Kristof would suggest they should. Instead, they invariably ask, “Can you do anything to help us make our jobs better?”

The question, then, is not how to exorcise labor standards from international trade agreements but how to include them in such a way as to improve labor productivity and not actually serve as an implicit trade barrier - a question to which, of course, there are no easy answers.

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Ryan - would not this type of analysis (Kristof's) profit from the well-documented (sociologically, biologically, neurologically, economically) phenomenon that is relative well-being?

A sweatshop job may be a rung up from the garbage dump, but undoubtedly a few years in the sweatshop (coupled to the visions of the wider world obtained through one's newly-acquired mobile phone, television, internet cafe account) enlightens that same individual to exactly how high the ladder goes.

Rather than treating labour standards as a kind of static endowment, it is necessary to treat them as a shifting goalpost that must change as the society and economy changes.

The debate between labour standards and sweatshops in development is decades old, and yet nowhere have I seen it make use of the extensive scientific literature on PERCEPTIONS of inequality and how these change over time. Perhaps incorporating this knowledge and wisdom, even if it requires some cross-disciplinary thinking, would help break the deadlock that Kristof finds himself mired in.


As far as the issue of labor standards as hidden forms of trade restrictions is concerned - the solution is quite simple. That is, let countries choose whatever labor standards they want but then let them also adjust their tariffs (border taxes) so that the combined effect of labor standards cum tariffs is no-movement in the terms of trade (international prices of traded goods and services).

With the terms of trade fixed, there is no way a country can get an unfair advantage over its trading partners by diluting its labor standards. With this motivation out of the way, the resulting choices of tariffs cum standards are globally Pareto efficient. This solution is detailed in a paper by Bagwell and Staiger(http://www.econ.wisc.edu/archive/wp9809.pdf).


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